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JUDY WOODRUFF: The protests
in Philadelphia against police
violence are the latest in

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a year of nationwide
demonstrations against
racism and police
using excessive force.

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Amna Nawaz is back with more
on how the protest movement of
today takes a page from history.

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AMNA NAWAZ: To help us put
this moment into context, I'm
joined by Peniel Joseph. He's

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the founding director of the
Center for the Study of Race
and Democracy at the University

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of Texas at Austin. He's also
the author of "The Sword and
the Shield: The Revolutionary

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Lives of Malcolm X and
Martin Luther King Jr."

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Professor Joseph, welcome
to the "NewsHour."

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A lot of people are turning to
history to better understand
what it is we're seeing

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right now at this moment in
history. When you compare
the protests, as you see them

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today, and the protests back
in the civil rights movement,
do you see more similarities

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or more differences?

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PENIEL JOSEPH, Founding
Director, Center for
the Study of Race and
Democracy: Yes, thank

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you for having me, Amna.

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I see both. In the context of
the 1960s, we did have massive
upheavals for racial justice.

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Much of that was peaceful. But,
at the same time, both during
the Kennedy and the Johnson

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and the Nixon administrations,
we did see urban rebellions
in Los Angeles, in Detroit,

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in Newark, New Jersey,
and Harlem that did
spill over into violence.

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When we think about the
comparisons, though, the numbers
of whites who are participating,

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Amna, is unprecedented.

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So in 1963, for example,
there's a 10-week period in the
spring of 1963 where we have

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over 700 racial justice
demonstrations, we have almost
15,000 people arrested. In this

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year alone, we have had over
7,000 separate anti-racist,
social justice demonstrations

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in over 2,400
different locations.

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Anywhere upwards of 20 million
people have hit the streets
to mobilize, organizing both

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at the grassroots level
and in terms of corporate
America, higher education,
labor unions, NBA

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players, both Black and
white and in between.

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So, this is unprecedented. We
have never seen this kind of
white involvement in any social

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justice movement in American
history, let alone racial
justice. So, this is -- we're

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in a whole new ballpark.

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AMNA NAWAZ: There was, as
you mentioned -- decades
ago, there was a tension
between those calling

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for peaceful civil disobedience
and those pushing for more
aggressive kind of efforts.

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And we say today -- when we
talk about the Black lives
matter marches, we say that they

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are largely peaceful, because
they are. But they haven't
been entirely without violence.

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So, when you look at that
tension between what's happening
now, what happened then,

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how do you view that?

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PENIEL JOSEPH: Well, I think
there's always been a tension
between those who might be

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advocating self-defense
and those who are
advocating just peaceful
demonstrations, nonviolence.

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And, at times, we saw that
tension between Malcolm X
and Martin Luther King Jr.

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At the same time, the idea
of violence in social justice
movements is also way, way

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overblown. Of course, you're
going to have some fringe
activists and some folks who are

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going to say violence is
going to be used strategically
as a weapon of change.

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But, by and large, most people
are hugely, hugely nonviolent.
The biggest violence that

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we have seen, quite frankly,
over this spring and
summer is law enforcement
and state-sanctioned

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violence, whether that's law
enforcement coming from Homeland
Security in Portland, Oregon,

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whether it's cops in
Buffalo who fractured the
skull of an elderly person.

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And, at times, we have seen
white vigilante violence
in Kenosha, Wisconsin.
So, demonstrators,

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for the most part and grassroots
organizers all pretty much
know that the way in which

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you get social change in the
United States is nonviolently,
through pressuring different

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institutions to transform
public policies.

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AMNA NAWAZ: Let me ask you
about public support for these
protests, because there has been

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a shift that we should note.

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If you just look at one state,
if you just look at Wisconsin,
where Jacob Blake was recently

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shot, back in June, you
saw 61 percent approval
for the protests. By
September, that had dropped

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to 47 percent. And we saw
something similar in history.

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You go back to Gallup polls
historically, in 1963, 27
percent of people said that they

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thought the protests would help
racial equality. A year later,
that dropped to 16 percent.

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Professor Joseph, how do you
view the role of public opinion
when it comes to these protests?

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PENIEL JOSEPH: Well, public
opinion absolutely matters
in a democracy like ours.

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But, at the same time,
historically -- and we have seen
it with those numbers that you

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just showed, Amna --
historically, public opinion has
lagged behind social justice.

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So, the public opinion on gay
marriage or women having the
right to vote or anti-racism

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has always lagged behind some
kind of national consensus.

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So, those numbers aren't
that bad. We always
have these watershed
moments, like this spring,

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where you're going to have a lot
of support for something. And
those numbers are, of course,

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going to tick down.

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What's important in those
numbers is that about half of
Americans really support the

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BLM movement. And that is
much, much bigger support and
broader support than we saw for

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racial justice in 1963-1964.

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So, if anything, this is a new
national consensus about Black
dignity and Black citizenship,

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one that reverberates to
all groups, all corners
of this country and
around the world in a

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really positive way.

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So, those numbers show us
that we really do have this
generational opportunity to end

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systemic racism, to defeat
white supremacy, to achieve our
country in a new and different

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way for the first time.

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AMNA NAWAZ: That is
Professor Peniel Joseph
from the University of
Texas at Austin joining

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us tonight.

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Thank you so much for your time.

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PENIEL JOSEPH:
Thanks for having me.

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JUDY WOODRUFF: So
helpful to have that
historical perspective.
